How Zimbabwe’s Gender System Is Silencing Women in Parliament 

When Zimbabwe’s 2013 constitution introduced a gender quota to reserve 60 parliamentary seats for women through proportional representation, it was celebrated as a long-overdue victory. For a country where women’s voices were historically muffled in governance, the move felt revolutionary. But over a decade later, reality is much bleaker.  

As the 2023 elections revealed, only 22 women were elected through constituency races, just 10% of the directly contested seats in the southern African country’s National Assembly. The rest of the female presence in Parliament comprises political party-appointed quota MPs, many of whom remain disconnected from grassroots power and public accountability. 

Established under Section 124 of the Constitution, the gender quota was intended as a temporary measure to redress gender imbalances in Parliament. However, as a governance watchdog, Veritas Zimbabwe warned as early as 2013 and reiterated in a 2020 policy brief, while quotas can increase numbers, they can also shield political parties from deeper reform.  

Their analysis noted that many women on the PR lists were selected not for their leadership skills, but for their loyalty. 

 “Reserved seats or quotas often do not lead to real empowerment of women,” Veritas stated.  

“They benefit dominant political parties and reinforce patronage networks,” the policy brief further noted. 

Many women appointed to these seats are selected through party loyalty rather than public support or leadership merit, resulting in a class of MPs who are often expected to sit quietly rather than challenge the status quo. 

According to research done by the Friedrich Naumann Foundation, there have been arguments that “the framework inadvertently perpetuates exclusion, with political parties sidelining women from key constituency races, and societal attitudes reinforcing entrenched barriers”.  

The quota system, which guarantees 60 reserved seats for women, increased the percentage of women in parliament from 17% to 35% in 2013, the year it was put in place. 12 years later, women make up 33% of Parliamentary seats in both lower and upper houses, and less than 10% (following recalls) in elected seats.  

Ambassador Rodney Kiwa, deputy chairperson of the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission (ZEC), responsible for overseeing elections, in an interview with AWiM, acknowledged the country’s electoral body’s limited role in shaping internal political party dynamics.  

“ZEC does not interfere in internal party candidate selection processes. The Commission assesses the presented candidates using the provisions given in the law. Unfortunately, there are no provisions that give the Commission powers to determine the number of female or male candidates that a party can bring to the nomination court, except for PR seats, of course,” he said. 

Kiwa further stated that, “our research as a Commission has shown that during these party processes, aspiring female candidates are sometimes openly told that they are beneficiaries of the women’s quota, thus they should let men contest in the first-past-the-post elections. I have also mentioned that where women are allowed to contest, they are given wards or constituencies where a party is least likely to win, and this applies to all political parties by the way. These observations have been confirmed by further engagements we have had with female parliamentarians and councillors through the Zimbabwe Gender Commission.” 

Without enforceable legal mechanisms, political parties face no obligation to nominate women in competitive races. And the default response, “you already have your quota,” has become a way to stall women’s broader ambitions. 

The result is a sharp decline in the number of women elected on merit through direct public votes. In 2008, 34 women won constituency races. In 2013, that number dropped to 26, in 2023, only  22. Meanwhile, men continue to dominate parliament, party leadership, and the cabinet, where only 5 of the 25 ministers are women. 

The women’s movement feels robbed 

If the quota system was born out of a hard-fought demand for equity, many women activists now fear that what once symbolized empowerment has slowly been hijacked. For Dr. Abigail Mupambi, a seasoned women’s rights advocate, the current state of Zimbabwe’s women’s quota feels like a betrayal of the very movement that birthed it. 

“The effectiveness of the women’s quota from 2013 to this day is a very, very subjective issue,” she says. “Yes, it has an image of empowerment. But it’s more of a shadow compared to reality; there is more representation than empowerment.” 

Dr. Mupambi’s criticism is pointed and layered with frustration. While acknowledging that the system has increased the number of women in Parliament, she insists it has not translated into meaningful power for the women elected through it. “There is no clear rationale linking those seconded to the quota to any form of competitiveness. They are simply appointed from a gender perspective,” she explains. “It has been tokenized along the way. Watered down through tokenism.” 

What troubles her most is how political parties have allegedly co-opted the quota system for their own ends, using it as justification to block women from contesting open seats. “We have seen a manifestation of that notion,” she says. “The women’s constituency has been deliberately hijacked. Made less aggressive. Made to relax and assume, ‘don’t worry, you have your seats’, as if those seats were a consolation prize.” 

According to Dr. Mupambi, the women’s quota was never meant to be a handout from political parties, but rather a corrective mechanism, demanded and designed by the women’s movement itself. “Those seats are a product of a movement from the women’s constituency, not political parties,” she emphasizes.  

“It was after political parties failed to follow both the national constitution and their own party constitutions that women rose to push for these seats.” 

But the autonomy that once defined the women’s movement’s role in shaping the quota system, she says, has been steadily eroded. Today, she argues, appointments are made “from the jackets of men,” with political parties, not the broader women’s constituency, deciding who goes to Parliament. Even recalls, she laments, are now party-driven when they were supposed to originate from within the women’s movement itself. 

“We lost control,” Dr. Mupambi says, her voice heavy with disappointment. “These positions were meant to belong to the women’s constituency, to serve as a bridge to parity. Instead, they’ve become political tokens. And that’s why we have women in Parliament who don’t always have clarity about who seconded them there. 

“Representation in terms of gender does not translate into the real voice of women or real empowerment, not when those women lack capacity and a clear political identity, Mupambi added. 

Inside Parliament, few know that tension better than Thokozani Khupe. 

She’s weathered it all, party splits, public criticism, and a long political journey that began in 2000 when she first became an MP for Makokoba. A former Deputy Prime Minister and one of Zimbabwe’s longest-serving women in politics, Khupe doesn’t mince her words. Speaking to AWiM, she laid bare the betrayal she sees unfolding. 

“The Constitution of Zimbabwe is very clear on how the 60 women must come into Parliament,” she said. “They’re supposed to be elected through provincial party-list proportional representation based on votes cast in a general election. But what’s happening now? Loyalty is being rewarded, not merit. That’s not what the Constitution intended.” 

Like Mupambi, Khupe sees the damage that’s been done. The battle, she says, doesn’t end with women pushing their way into Parliament; it continues in the subtle, grinding ways they are treated once they get there. 

“Women who come in through the quota system are often looked down upon,” she told AWiM. “They call us Bakosi MPs, as if we didn’t work for it; it’s demeaning.” 

She explained how such labels chip away at confidence, forcing PR MPs to constantly justify their place. “We campaign too. We put in the same effort. But we’re not treated with the same respect, not by our male counterparts, anyway, society sees us all as MPs, but inside Parliament, the attitude is different,’’ she added. 

Her frustration runs parallel to Mupambi’s, especially on how political parties have taken over a space that was built by the women’s movement. “These seats were not a gift from political parties, they were hard-won by the women’s constituency after realising that both party and national constitutions were failing to deliver 50-50 representation,” Mupambi said. 

Yet despite the odds, female legislators who have gotten into  Parliament via the quota system have refused to let the limitations define them. Brushed aside, doubted, and often dismissed, they have kept showing up, fighting back, not with slogans, but with motions, community work, and a growing body of achievements that demand to be taken seriously.  

Dr. Thokozani Khupe herself is a testament to that resilience. Over the years, she’s been a consistent advocate for women’s rights and healthcare. In Parliament, she’s raised motions addressing the cancer burden on Zimbabwean women and pushed for economic reforms that directly empower female entrepreneurs. 

The Women’s Academy for Leadership and Political Excellence (WALPE), one of the most active civic voices on women’s leadership in Zimbabwe, has also tracked notable achievements by quota MPs.  

Former legislator, Hon. Priscilla Misihairambwi-Mushonga, used her platform to champion the issue of access to sanitary wear and the fight against child marriages, whilst another former MP, Hon. Jasmine Toffa of Bulawayo, worked on matters affecting minority groups like the Doma community and campaigned for universal access to quality education. 

Some former and current MPs have used their positions to initiate community development projects,  from drilling boreholes to establishing scholarship programs for disadvantaged students. Others have taken the baton further by mentoring young women to take up leadership roles in school committees, health centres, and local governance structures. They’ve leaned into the responsibilities of representation, not just as placeholders, but as changemakers. 

And then, there’s Tatenda Mavetera. 

Her journey offers perhaps the most striking example of what the quota system was always meant to enable. Once a young MP elected under the proportional representation system in 2018, Mavetera didn’t stop there. In 2023, she ran for and won the Seke-Chikomba constituency, a rare feat for women, and now serves as Zimbabwe’s Minister of Information and Communication Technology. 

“I was a women’s quota MP for five years,” she told AWiM, “and after that training and grooming, I realised it was important for me to go for the constituency seat.” 

Mavetera’s rise underscores the practical barriers that continue to stifle many women’s political ambitions, especially financial ones.  

“We need to really capacitate women,” she said. “If we can be able to get a fund that is specific to the empowerment of women, especially in politics, we would have done very well.” Politics, she said, is not just toxic; it’s capital-intensive. Without funding, women are locked out before they even start. 

She also pointed to the structural inequalities built into the system. Unlike constituency MPs, PR MPs have no direct control over Constituency Development Funds (CDF), even though they serve on committees. “That alone does not capacitate the women,” she said. “Yes, we have it on paper to say women are going to get into Parliament. But more capacity needs to be given, resources, tools, so that when they go to the constituency, they have something tangible to offer.” 

Whilst serving as a PR legislator in Zimbabwe’s ninth Parliament, Mavetera raised a successful motion to create the Youth Caucus, becoming its inaugural chairperson.  

She then turned her focus on the gender and generational gaps within the women’s quota system itself. “We realised that while six women were being selected under the PR system, there was no consideration for age, there was no deliberate attempt to ensure that young women were represented,” she told AWiM.  

She then successfully pushed for a clause under Constitutional Amendment No. 2 that mandates at least one of the six women selected per province be under the age of 35. 

“I remember very well that when I got into Parliament, I was the youngest MP in my party, and that experience showed me just how few opportunities there were for young women. It wasn’t just about being female, youth was another barrier altogether,’’ Mavetera added. 

Independent Routes and Alternative Platforms 

Others, like Linda Masarira and Elisabeth Valerio, have taken a different route altogether. Masarira, a former trade unionist, left the mainstream opposition after facing sexual harassment, gatekeeping, and dismissal. 

“I pushed for gender equality, I demanded implementation of Section 17 of the Constitution, and I was told I was being a crybaby,” she recalls. 

She eventually formed her party, Labour Economists and Afrikan Democrats (LEAD), to build the kind of space she couldn’t find elsewhere.  

“Now, I don’t need permission to speak or to lead. I speak policy. I push for the Gender Equality Act. I do it on my terms.” 

Valerio, leader of the United Zimbabwe Alliance (UZA), became the only woman to run for president in Zimbabwe’s 2023 elections and, notably, in the country’s post-independence history. Her candidacy marked a critical moment in Zimbabwe’s electoral politics, exposing the deep gender gaps in access to the highest office. 

Despite facing a string of legal challenges, including initial exclusion from the final ballot and delays in being recognized by the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission, Valerio remained undeterred. She campaigned on a platform of inclusive governance, transparency, and gender justice. 

“The quota system should be a bridge, not a destination,” she says. “It was meant to provide access. Instead, it’s often used to justify exclusion.” 

Her campaign drew national attention not only because she was the sole female presidential candidate but because it underlined the broader reality, while the Constitution promises gender equality, institutional and structural barriers remain firmly in place. 

We Are Trying, Political Parties 

Despite the cracks in Zimbabwe’s gender quota framework and the declining number of women elected through open seats, political parties maintain they are actively working to improve the situation. In separate interviews with  AWiM, both ZANU PF and the Citizens Coalition for Change (CCC) articulated their efforts and visions, different in strategy, but similar in their insistence that reform is underway. 

Farai Marapira, Director of Information for ZANU PF, defended the party’s approach, pointing to the role of the Women’s League in grooming female leaders and the growing number of women in ministerial and parliamentary roles. He argued that the quota system should not be seen as a limitation, but as a platform, one that gives women the visibility and experience to rise further. “Creating an environment that supports women’s meaningful participation, addresses systemic barriers, and ensures their voices are heard is equally important, and this is what ZANU PF stands for,” Marapira told AWiM. 

Willias Madzimure, Spokesperson for the CCC, offered a more reformist take. While acknowledging the quota’s role in improving numeric representation, he stressed that it cannot be the final destination.  

“Our policy framework promotes progressive reforms,” he said, citing the party’s push for gender parity laws and internal mandates for balanced leadership. Madzimure noted the CCC’s target of 50% female representation in party leadership by the next elective congress, adding that the current First Past the Post electoral system remains a significant barrier to women’s participation.” 

Yet, even as both parties claim commitment to gender inclusion, the reality on the ground remains sobering. Without enforceable national parity laws, reliable protections against political violence, and deeper cultural shifts within party structures, the progress described may remain aspirational. 

Compared to regional peers like Rwanda, South Africa, Namibia, and Senegal, where more robust gender parity laws and comprehensive electoral reforms have created significantly higher levels of substantive female political representation, Zimbabwe’s model remains inadequate. While the Proportional Representation system has helped bring more women into Parliament numerically, it has not fundamentally shifted the power dynamics or addressed the structural barriers that keep women from open contestation. In Rwanda, for instance, where women hold over 60% of parliamentary seats, gender parity is not just a constitutional principle but an institutionalized norm enforced across party structures and electoral systems. Zimbabwe’s reliance on PR without addressing its implementation gaps creates the illusion of inclusion while maintaining the status quo. 

Stakeholders like the Women’s Academy for Leadership and Political Excellence (WALPE) are unequivocal in their calls for deeper, systemic change. They argue that simply extending the current quota without accompanying reforms risks reinforcing the tokenism that confines women to less influential roles. WALPE urges the government to enact a Gender Equality Act that gives effect to constitutional provisions on equal representation and to strengthen gender clauses in the Electoral Act. Among their key recommendations are: expanding PR to include all governance levels; adopting an electoral system where people vote for parties rather than individuals; and instituting the zebra system, alternating male and female candidates on party lists, to ensure real parity. These proposals move beyond numeric targets and aim to structurally embed equity in Zimbabwe’s political architecture. 

Political parties, meanwhile, must take greater accountability in advancing these reforms. WALPE recommends that reserved seats be integrated into the 210 directly elected National Assembly constituencies and that party lists be drawn through transparent and democratic processes. Leadership must come from within, with parties proactively aligning their internal constitutions with national equality laws and making deliberate efforts to include women with disabilities and other marginalized groups. The goal is not just to increase female numbers in Parliament but to open up the political space so women can lead, influence, and transform society at the highest levels. Zimbabwean democracy, they argue, will only be complete when its women are not just seen. but heard, respected, and empowered to shape the nation’s destiny.

This report was supported by the African Women in Media (AWiM) with support from the Fojo Media Institute.